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HRF Demands criminal prosecution of police involved in Gumudumaha killings

Press Release                                                 20-7-2016

Bhubaneswar    We demand that personnel of the Special Operations Group (SOG) who participated in the macabre firing that resulted in the death of five civilians of Gumudumaha village in Paranpanga panchayat of Tumdibandha block in Kandhamal district of Odisha on July 8, 2016 be duly charged under relevant provisions of the IPC as well as those of the SC, ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and criminally prosecuted. A four-member team of the Ganatantrik Adhikar Surakhya Sangathan (GASS, Odisha) and the Human Rights Forum (HRF, AP and Telangana) visited Gumudumaha village on July 17 and spoke with local residents including eyewitnesses to the killings. Over 15 residents of the village had hired an auto-rickshaw at Balliguda on the evening of July 8 to take them to their village. Most of them were returning home after having collected their MGNREGS wages at the sub-divisional headquarters (Balliguda). At about 8.20 pm the auto was close to the village but had to get over a steep incline. The passengers got down and while the women, two of them carrying infant sons, walked ahead, the men pushed the auto up the kutcha road. Upon reaching the top, the women first began to get into the auto when SOG personnel lying in wait amidst bushes not more than 10 to 15 metres away to the left of the road opened fire with no warning whatsoever. Five people, including three women, and a two-year old boy were killed instantly while seven others were wounded, five of them seriously. The dead and wounded belong to the adivasi Kondh and the Scheduled Caste Pano communities. Every single person that our team spoke to (those who were at the spot that night) stated emphatically that the firing only emanated from the left and that there was no firing from the other side of the road. This clearly rules out the possibility of any exchange of fire. Soon after the firing began, those who were not hit ran to the village which was not more than 200 metres. Within a few minutes they rushed back with other residents to the spot only to find the dead. They carried the injured back to their homes in the village where five of the seriously hurt spent the entire night in pain, terror and delirium. Those who died in this gruesome firing are two-year old Jehad Digal who was hit by a bullet that went through his stomach, three women Kimuri Mallick (35), Bimbuli Mallick (45) and Midiali Mallick (40) and Kukala Digal (42) who was the former sarpanch of Paranpanga. Though it was a cloudy night and there was no moonlight, the two head-lights of the auto were switched on and from where the SOG personnel lay in wait, they could easily see that it was civilians who were by the auto. That the SOG still resorted to firing upon a group of unarmed villagers reflects a mind-set that can only be described as morbid. When the villagers went to the spot the next morning, the SOG personnel disallowed them from moving the bodies. They even disallowed them from taking the injured in the village for treatment. On the other hand, no effort was made by the administration to shift those who were hurt to hospital. It was only after several adivasi and dalit organisations in Tumdibandha block raised an outcry and held protests that the injured were allowed to be taken to hospital. While two of the injured remained in the village since their wounds were very minor, the other five were carried by the villagers on foot and they reached the road point at Kurtamgarh, a good 15 km away, by the afternoon of July 9. Four of the injured are now being treated at MKCG Hospital in Berhampur. They are Luka Digal and his wife Sunita who are parents of the two-year deceased boy Jehad, Tempu Mallick (50) and Gottisi Digal (35). Bannomali Mallick (35), who is in a serious condition, is in the SCB Medical College, Cuttack. In what can only be described as extreme luck, Kajanti Mallick (22), who was holding her 17-month son Krishna in her arms, got away with a bullet only scraping her left calf. Sahalu Mallick also escaped with a splinter on his back. As is their habit, the police put out the customary concoction of an exchange of fire with the Maoists. The official version is that a 15-member joint drive by the police and SOG based on intelligence inputs about Maoists presence in the area was fired upon by the latter who had positioned themselves atop a hillock. The SOG, who were approaching the hillock, retaliated in self-defence. While the exchange was going on, an auto-rickshaw that was passing by got stuck in the mud forcing the passengers to alight and therefore the helpless villagers got trapped in the crossfire! This is pure nonsense. To describe these killings, like some in the security establishment are doing, as “an engagement with the Maoists gone horribly wrong” is to miss the point. This is by no means an isolated case. During our joint fact-findings over the past few years (the list is given below) we have found that special forces, whether the CRPF, SOG or BSF have killed 17 persons, most of them adivasis and all unarmed civilians, in the South Odisha districts of Kalahandi, Rayagada, Koraput , Kandhamal and Gajapati. Almost a year ago, on July 26, 2015, CRPF personnel shot dead Dhubeswar Nayak (50) and his wife Bubhudi Nayak (45) near their village Pangalapadar in Madaguda panchayat of Kotagarh block, also in Kandhamal district. The couple were on a hill-top about half a km from their village speaking over the mobile with their sons who were in Kerala when they were murdered by the SOG. They were atop the hill since that is the only place where mobiles phones can pick up BSNL signals and like many of Pangalapadar residents they make the climb occasionally to avail of the facility. Till date, no official has visited the village nor has any meaningful investigation taken place. On that occasion too public protests forced the government to hand over meagre compensation to the family but there has been no initiation of criminal proceedings against the killer SOG personnel. If those responsible for such deliberate and wanton killings been brought to book, would the Gumudumaha killings have happened? We have conducted fact-findings into each one of these incidents and found them to be cases of unilateral firing by the security forces. These deaths of civilians can only be described as murders. The sad reality, however, is that in not a single one of these cases have those who perpetrated the crime been criminally prosecuted though it is a basic requirement of law. Mere quibbling over standard operating procedures will not be of much use. What is required is accountability. The government of Odisha persists with the undemocratic policy of continuing to treat the Maoist movement as an outbreak of criminality which can be sorted out with the deployment of more and more security forces armed to the teeth. This was once again echoed by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik during the recent Inter-State Council meet in Delhi where he described “left wing extremism is the biggest threat” and sought deployment of even more troops to meet it. While the impunity given to these special police is a matter of serious concern to society at large, to those residing in the 5th Scheduled districts of South Odisha it is a matter of life and death. Small wonder that we heard the uniform plea by local residents that they wanted an immediate withdrawal of para military forces from the region.  We have consistently made the point that the Maoist movement is a political movement that has to be met politically. Any response by the police to the violence by Maoists has to be within the ambit of the law without trampling upon people’s rights. A day after the full horror and inhumanity of the Gumudumaha killings had sunk in, the Odisha Chief Minister made the customary noises of “deep regret and unfortunate deaths” and proceeded to announce compensation and employment of sorts to a family member of those killed. This, however, does not meet the ends of justice. For that to happen a diligent criminal investigation is a requisite. This must be done by an agency as independent as possible of the local police. We consider the SIT constituted by the State DGP to investigate the deaths as a mere eyewash. We cannot accept policemen sitting in enquiry on the homicidal deeds of their fellow policemen. A judicial enquiry into the killings is no substitute for a proper criminal investigation by an independent authority. We recall the slaughter of 17 adivasi civilians at Sarkeguda village in Bijapur district of South Chattisgarh on June 28, 2012 by security forces. The political dispensation in power then and now in that State is the BJP. Four years down the line, the judicial probe ordered in that case is yet to be completed. We demand that: SOG personnel who participated in the killing on five civilians near Gumudumaha village on July 8 be booked under provisions of the IPC including murder as well as relevant sections of the SC, ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and criminally prosecuted. The investigation into this case must be handed over to the CBI. Compensation amounts must be enhanced considerably than what have been being announced. The same procedure is to be followed in all the other five cases cited below. The government must desist from viewing the Maoist movement through a purely law and order prism. It must acknowledge that it is primarily a political movement and deal with it politically.   VS Krishna (HRF, AP-TS)                                       Deba Ranjan (GASS, Odisha)   GASS-HRF fact-finding team members: Deba Ranjan and Debi Prasanna (Members, Ganatantrik Adhikar Surakhya Sangathan, GASS), VS Krishna (general secretary, Human Rights Forum, HRF) and K Sudha (HRF executive committee member).   List of killings of civilians by security forces in South Odisha: July 8, 2016. Jehad Digal, Kimuri Mallick, Bimbuli Mallick, Midiali Mallick and Kukala Digal of Gumudumaha village of Paranpanga panchayat in Tumdibandha block of Kandhamal district. Shot dead by SOG.  February 27, 2016, Manda Kadraka of Rangamati village in Parsali panchayat, Kalyansingpur block, Rayagada district, shot dead by SOG. November 16, 2015, Harishankar Nayak, Sukru Majhi and Jaya Majhi of Nisanguda area in Jugsaipatna panchayat of Kalahandi district. Shot dead by CRPF. July 26, 2015, Dhubeswar Nayak and his wife Bubhudi Nayak of Pangalapadar village of Madaguda panchayat in Kotagarh block of Kandhamal district. Shot dead by SOG. October 29, 2013, Gangadhar Kirsani of Litiput village in Gunnepada panchayat of Lamtaput block, Koraput district. Shot dead by BSF. November 14, 2012, Aiba Padra of Bujuli village in Gadhapur panchayat, Shyamson Majhi of Bhingiriguda in Saramuli panchayat, Ghasiram Bagsingh of Mardhipanka village, Saramuli panchayat, Sanathan Mallick of Gaheju village in Hatimunda panchayat, all in Daringabadi block of Kandhamal district and Laxmi Kanta Nayak of Lujuramunda village in Bahadasahi panchayat of Tikabali block in Kandhamal district. All five were shot dead by SOG.   (This is by no means an exhaustive list. We have mentioned only those cases that we have elicited facts about.)

Justice Nagarjun Reddy atrocities on a Dalit magistrate. Phamplet by KNPS

Investigate Gumudumaha (Kandhamal) Massacre by Supreme Court monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT):

Investigate Gumudumaha (Kandhamal) Massacre by Supreme Court monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT):

File Case of Murder(Sec-302 IPC) against the Murderer Police:

Joint Fact Finding Team Demands

Bhubaneswar, date-12/07/2016: The State BJD Government in connivance with the BJP Government at Centre have been devising its suppressive strategy to sabotage the increasing people’s democratic struggle against displacement and anti-people development policies of the State through Operation Green Hunt and under the cover of Maoist. To seek promotion and looting public money the government its cannibal officials staged competitive trailer drama and played Holi in the blood of five innocent lives and brutally killed them”, a state level representatives of Joint Fact Finding Team observed. in a press release they said that from Chidambaram to Rajanath and Raman Singh to Navin Patnaik, no one is lagging behind such race. In this race, to appease the industrialists and corporate interests in Kashipur, Kalinganagar, Narayanpatna, Jagatsinghpur (POSCO) and Niyamgiri, the state has been continuously suppressing and killing of those innocent tribals, dalits, and marginalized raising their voice and fight against the state agenda of “destruction in the name of development”. The murder of five innocent lives in Kandhamal has become another testing ground. The fight for justice in the incidents of the fake encounter killing of 5 tribals and dalits in Bhalliaguda forests on 14th November 2012 and killing of a couple in the Hill of Pangalpadar village, Kotagarh during combing operation while they were making phone call to their son last year in July 26, 2015 is ongoing till today, when the heinous and inhuman killing of five adivasis and dalits, especially women and an innocent child has added another shameless and black chapters in the history of present Government. The victims were resident of Gumudumaha village of Parampanga G.P., Balliguda Block, Kandhamal and were working under Mahatama Gandhi National Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGA) as labourer. These men and women were on their way back to home after collecting their wage money from Balliguda Bank. The sudden indiscriminate firing took the life of 2 years old son Gehesh Digal, from the cradle of her mother, along with 50 years Kukal Digal, Timiri Mallick, Bringuli Mallick, and Midiali Mallick (all women between 40 years age) while the father of deceased child Luka Digal and mother Sunita, Banamali Mallick, Tembu Mallick(woman), Gidisi Digal(woman), Sahalu Mallick, Kajanti Mallick(woman) among others have been seriously injured. The explanation given by the Government and Police is that these people were died during exchange of firing between police and Maoists is 100 percent lies and cruel joke, said eyewitness local people which are strongly evident from surrounding spot. Without any reason the inhuman and shameless firing of police, not sending the seriously injured those were fight for life immediately to hospital for treatment, threatening people for looting huge money in the name of Maoist suppression are some of the filthy competition by security forces to get service promotion, the visiting team opined. While in one side the State Government is claiming that Maoist problem have been successfully tackled but on the other side to loot the money of Central Government the State has been terrorizing all the tribal areas in gun point for the so-called development, alleged by the joint fact finding team.

Mr. Narendra Mohanty, State Convener, Campaign Against Fabricated Cases (CAFC) and Indian Social Action Forum(INSAF), State Spokesperson of CPI (ML)- New Democracy-Bhalachandra Sarangi, Member of All India Peoples Forum (AIPF) -Mahendra Parida and Tapan Mishra, Former President of Ravenshaw College were part of this Joint Fact-Find and Representatives Team. The team has severely condemn such criminal acts of State Government and Kandhamal Police and demanded

(1.)To constitute a Special Investigation Team and conduct judicial enquiry to the incidents under the supervision of Supreme Court,

(2.) Immediate suspension of Superintendent of Police, Kandhamal and all police officials involved in fake encounter cases and file cases against them for murder in section 302,

(3.) Provide 50 lakh rupees compensation to each deceased family and

(4) Withdrawal of all  paramilitary and security forces who are terrorizing and doing repression of common people in the name of Maoist.

Nerendra Mohanty  Bhalachandra Sarangi    Mahendra Parida       Tapan Mishra

Mob: 9437426647      9437166391                            9437106174          8658114444



Meaning of scheduled castes – through Dushant Khobragade

Meaning of Scheduled Caste
We know the meaning of caste but what is the meaning of “Schedule”? 

In 1931, the then Census Commissioner Mr. J. H. Hutton for the first time conducted census of all the untouchable castes in India and declared that there are 1108 untouchable castes in India and all these castes are outside the fold of Hindu religion. Therefore, they were also called as outcastes. 

The then Prime Minister Ramsey McDonald observed that like Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Anglo-Indians outcastes are an independent class and all these castes were not included in the Hindu religion. Therefore, a list (“schedule”) was prepared and the castes included in this list (“schedule”) are called as scheduled castes.

Based on this, scheduled castes were given some rights according to the ‘Scheduled Caste Ordinance 1935’. On this basis Govt of India promulgated ‘Scheduled Caste Ordinance 1936’ and facility of reservation was given. Further, modifying the ordinance of 1936, Scheduled Caste Ordinance 1950 was passed and provision of reservation was made. 

From this it can be concluded the history of the origin of nomenclature of the scheduled caste tells that in the Indian subcontinent there were untouchables, outcastes or the castes outside the Hindu religion before the census of 1931. A list (“schedule”) of these outcastes was prepared.  

On the basis of this “schedule” of the castes Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar fought against Britishers, opposing Brahmins, and was successful in securing human rights for us (scheduled castes)

This is the meaning of Scheduled Castes. Then we must understand that since then scheduled castes means untouchables, outcastes or the castes outside the fold of Hindu religion, means those castes which were not Hindu. They were called “Atishudras”, independent of Hindu religion undeclared fifth Varna in the Varna System.

Scheduled caste is our constitutional identity. Whatever benefits are we enjoying today are in the name of scheduled caste and not in the name of Dalit, Vankar, Chamar or Walmiki. 

Despite knowing the history of the origin of “scheduled caste” we are still clinging to Hindu religion. If you are still clinging to Hindu religion you are morally insulting Babasaheb’s Constitution. Always keep in mind that scheduled caste means only and only those people who are not Hindus but the victims due to the Hindu social order! Should you wish to continue as a Hindu, under the brahmin regime, you should give up scheduled caste identity and Dr. Ambedkar, it is up to the Brahmins if they accept you into their religion and what caste they give you! (Through Dushant Khobragade)

List of ancient buddhist caves in Maharashtra

List of some ancient Buddhist caves (Buddha Leni) located in Maharashtra State:1. Ajanta Buddhist Caves, District – Aurangabad, Period 2nd century BC to 6 AD. 30 rock cut Buddhist caves

2. Ellora Buddhist Caves, District – Aurangabad, Period – 5th to 7th century. 

12 Buddhist caves.

3. Bhaja Buddhist Caves, near Lanavala, Period – 2nd century BC.  

22 rock cut caves.

4. Buddhist Caves located ar Pathardi in District Nashik. These Buddhist caves are named as Pandulena by Hindus.

5. Junnar Buddhist Caves, District – Pune, Taluka – Junnar. Period 3rd BC to 3rdAD.

6. Panhale Buddhist Caves, District – Kolhapur, Taluka – Panhala. 

6 Buddhist caves.

7. Kondane Buddhist Caves, 33 kilometres from Lonavala.

8. Dharashive Buddhist Caves, 8 Kilometres from Osmanabad city. 7 Buddhist caves.

9. Kanheri Buddhist Caves, Located north of Borivali at western side of Mumbai.

 109 Buddhist caves,

 Period ; 11BC – 3 BC.

10. Karla Buddhist Caves, Located in Karli near Lonavala.

 Period – 2nd century BC. Karla Buddhist Caves are 60 kilometres from Pune.

11. Panhalakaji Buddhist Caves, District – Ratnagiri. 

30 Buddhist Caves.

 12. Newly Discovered Buddhist caves at Sangli.

 13. Buddhist caves at Khed, Ratnagiri.

14 .Buddhist caves at Aurangabad city near University.

15. Brick Stupa at Elephanta Island.

16. Elephanta Caves in Raigad District – 2 Buddhist Caves.

17. Thanale Buddhist Caves – 23 caves located at Sudhagad in Raigad District.

Period; 1 BC.

18. Buddist Caves – 7 Numbers at Dhondse and Bahirampada villages in Pali Taluka of Raigad District.

Period: 2nd BC to 2nd AD.

19. Gandharpale Buddhist caves – 30 caves located in Raigad District.

Near Mumbai Goa Highway

20. Buddhist Caves – 26 caves at Kuda, Mandad Caves of Konkan Region.

21. Buddhist caves – 66 caves located at Jakhinwadi, Satara District overlooking Koyna River, SouthWest of Karad town.

22. Kuda Buddhist Caves – 13 numbers located at Taluka – Tala in Raigad District.

23. Bedse Buddha Leni

1st century BC Buddhist caves

Taluka – Maval

District – Pune

24. Vijjasan Buddha Leni (Buddhist caves) at Vijasan Tekdi, Vijasan village .

Near Bhadravati town, 

District – Chandrapur.

25. Ghatotcha Buddhist Caves, 


District – Aurangabad.

26. Pitalkhora Buddhist Caves – 14 Buddhist caves

 Tehsil/ Taluka – Kannad, District – Aurangabad.

Donate books for Samata Sainik Dal library! 

✿✿ సమత సైనిక్ దళ్ – సమత లైబ్రరీ – “Book” Donation Campaign ✿✿     అంబేద్కరిస్టు ఉద్యమాలలో మొదటి మరియు అతి ముఖ్యమైన అంశం.. Educate (విజ్ఞానించడం).. దీనికి ముఖ్యంగా సిద్ధాంత బోధకులు, ఎప్పటికప్పుడు పరిజ్ఞానం పెంచుకుంటూ ప్రజలకు అందిస్తూ ఉండాలి.. 

✿ Educate చేయాల్సిన అవసరం ఏమిటి ✿

    ఈనాటి మన విద్యావిధానాన్ని గమనిస్తే, 

– పక్కవాడిని చూడకుండా రైల్వే రిజర్వేషన్ ఫారం నింపలేని పోస్ట్ గ్రాడ్యుయేట్లు కనిపిస్తారు.

– చెక్కు మీద అంకెలు ఎక్కడ వేయాలో, మొత్తం ఎక్కడ రాయాలో తెలియని బిజినెస్ మేనేజ్మెంటు స్కాలర్లు కనిపిస్తారు

– వ్యాధులు నయం చేయమని గుళ్ళు చర్చీల చుట్టూ తిరిగే వైద్యులు కనిపిస్తారు..

– జరగబోయే Space Craft Launch కి విజయం లభించాలని యజ్ఞాలు చేయించే రాకెట్ సైంటిస్టులు కనిపిస్తారు..

    దీన్ని బట్టి అర్థం అయ్యేది ఏమిటంటే, ఈ విద్య అనేది కేవలం పొట్ట నింపుకునేందుకు ఆధారంగా మాత్రమే చూడబడుతుంది., కానీ వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసానికి తద్వారా సామాజిక వికాసానికి ఏమాత్రం ఉపయోగపడడం లేదు..

✿ పీడిత కులాలు – విద్యా విధానం ✿ 

      ఇక పీడిత కులాలకు ఈ విద్యా వ్యవస్థ అత్యంత అన్యాయం చేస్తుంది .. కేవలం దోపిడీ కులాల పరిశ్రమలు, సంస్థలలో పనిచేయడానికి కావలసిన కూలీలను తయారు చేయడానికి మాత్రమే విద్యా విధానాలు రూపొందించబడ్డాయి.. డిగ్రీలు, పీజీలు చేసి కూడా పొలం పనులకు, తాపీ పనులకూ వెళ్ళవలసి వస్తున్న దయనీయ స్థితిని మనం రోజూ చూస్తూనే ఉన్నాం..

      వేల సంవత్సరాలుగా విద్యకు దూరంగా ఉంచబడి, ఇప్పుడు ఈ రకంగా బుద్ధి వికాసానికి అవకాశం లేని మూస విద్యను మాత్రమే అందుబాటులో ఉంచుతుండడం వలన పీడిత కులాల నుండి “చదువుకున్న కూలీలు” మాత్రమే తప్ప నాయకులు మేధావులు తయారు కావడం లేదు.. 

✿ నిజమైన విద్య – విజ్ఞానీకరణ ✿

      స్వాతంత్ర్యం వచ్చి 70 సంవత్సరాలు కావస్తున్నా ఇప్పటికీ అగమ్య గోచరంగా ఉన్న పీడిత కులాల భవిష్యత్తుకు ఒక బాట వేయాలంటే ఆ సమాజం నుండి మేధావులను తయారు చేయడమే అసలైన పరిష్కారం.. సమాజిక అంశాలకు, చారిత్రక అవగాహన మేళవించి., శాస్త్రీయ దృక్పథంతో విశ్లేషణ చేయగల సమర్థులను తయారు చేసుకోవడం ఇప్పుడు పీడిత కులాలకు అత్యవసరం.. 

     దీనికి విస్తృతమైన అధ్యయనం అవసరం.. భారతీయ సమాజంలోని ప్రతి సిద్ధాంతం మీద, ప్రతి వ్యవస్థ మీద విస్తారమైన జ్ఞానం కలిగి ఉండాలి., 

     ఇది పుస్తక పఠనంతోనే సాధ్యం.. 

✿ పుస్తకం – చదివి దాచుకోవాలా ?? చదువు పంచాలా ✿

      “ఇది చదివి దాచుకోవాల్సిన పుస్తకం” ఈ మధ్య విరివిగా కనిపించే శీర్షిక.. నిజానికి విజ్ఞాన భాండాగారాలు అయినటువంటి పుస్తకాలను దాచుకోవడం అన్యాయం. స్వయం వికాసం నుండి సామాజిక వికాసం వైపు అడుగేయాలంటే, మనం చదివేసిన పుస్తకాలను కేవలం మన అల్మిరాలకే పరిమితం చేయకుండా, వాటిని నలుగురికీ అందుబాటులో ఉంచడం అవసరం..

     “పంచుకుంటే పెరిగే ఒకే ఒక్క సంపద విద్యే”

✿ సమత లైబ్రరీ – Book Donation Campaign ✿

     సామాజిక వికాసానికి కావాల్సిన అధ్యయనంలో ఈ పుస్తకం పాత్రను గుర్తించిన “సమత సైనిక్ దళ్ – సౌత్ ఇండియా” తన హైదరాబాద్ కార్యాలయంలో “సమత లైబ్రరీ”ని ఏర్పాటు చేస్తుంది.. ఈ లైబ్రరీలను త్వరలో ఏర్పాటు కాబోతున్న జిల్లా శాఖలకు కూడా విస్తరించడం జరుగుతుంది.. ఈ “సమత లైబ్రరీలు” గ్రామస్థాయిలో ఏర్పాటు చేయడం ద్వారా పీడిత కులాలకు సామాజిక అంశాలపైన అధ్యయనం చేసే అవకాశం అందుబాటులో ఉంచడం లక్ష్యంగా పెట్టుకుంది.. అందుకోసం కావలసిన పుస్తకాల సేకరణకు ఈ “Book Donation Campaign” రూపొందించబడినది..

     ఈ సందర్భంగా మీ అందరికీ మనవి చేసుకోవడం ఏమనగా..

☞ మీరు చదవడం పూర్తి చేసిన, మీకు ఇకపై ఉపయోగపడని పుస్తకాలను మాకు పంపండి.

☞ మీ దగ్గర ఒకటికంటే ఎక్కువ కాపీలు గనుక ఉంటే మాకు పంపండి..

☞ బైబిల్, ఖురాన్, భగవద్గీత, పురాణాలు, రామాయణం – భారతం, మరే మతగ్రంథాలైనా సరే, హేతువాద నాస్తిక సిద్ధాంత పరమైన గ్రంథాలైనా సరే., పంపించండి 

☞ కమ్యూనిస్టు సాహిత్యం, రాజ్యాధికార సిద్ధాంతం, మూలనివాసీ సిద్ధాంతం, హైందవ రాజకీయ సిద్ధాంతం ఇలా ఏ అంశానికి సంబంధించిన పుస్తకాలైనా పర్లేదు.. మాకు పంపండి..

☞ వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసం, ఆర్థిక శాస్త్రం, శాస్త్ర సాంకేతిక అంశాలపైన రచనలైనా కూడా తప్పక పంపండి..

☞ కథలు, నవలలు మరేదైనా time pass సాహిత్యం మాత్రం తప్ప మరే ఇతర సామాజిక అంశాలపై రాయబడిన పుస్తకం అయినా సరే పంపగలరు..

☞ పాత పుస్తకాలు కాకుండా కొత్త పుస్తకాలు కొని పంపడానికి కూడా ముందుకు వస్తే సంతోషపూర్వక ధన్యవాదాలు.

☞☞ మీరు పంపే పుస్తకాలను సమత లైబ్రరీలో అందరికీ అందుబాటులో ఉంచడం జరుగుతుంది., ఒక పుస్తకం ఎక్కువ కాపీలు ఉంటే వాటిని గ్రామ సందర్శనలకు వెళుతున్న సమత సైనికులు ఆయా గ్రామాలలో ఆసక్తి గలవారికి ఇచ్చి మళ్ళీ తిరిగి తీసుకోవడం జరుగుతుంది..☜☜

✌ బాబాసాహెబ్ ప్రబోధించిన ఉద్యమ క్రమంలో “Educate” అనే అంశంలో మీ అందరి బాధ్యతాపూర్వకమైన తోడ్పాటు ఇవ్వడానికి స్వచ్ఛందంగా ముందుకురండి.. మన పీడిత కూలాల సమాజాన్ని మేధావి సమాజంగా తీర్చిదిద్దడంతో మన వంతు పాత్ర పోషిద్దాం ✌

పుస్తకాలు పంపవలసిన చిరునామా:-

పీపుల్స్ ఎడ్యుకేషన్ సొసైటీ & సమతా సైనిక్ దళ్ కార్యాలయం

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ముఖ్య గమనిక :- మీరు పంపే ప్రతి పుస్తకంలోని మొదటి పేజీలో మీ పేరు, మీ వివరాలు (కుదిరినవి మాత్రమే) తో పాటు., ఆ పుస్తకం చదివేవారిని ఉత్సాహపరిచే విధంగా ఒక అమూల్యమైన సందేశం రాయగలరు.

బహుజన హితాయ.!!

బహుజన సుఖాయ.!!

జై భీమ్.!! జై భారత్.!!

Remembering Guda Anjanna – The signature song of Telangana’s Dalit Revolution

Remembering Guda Anjanna – The signature song of Telangana’s Dalit Revolution

 Written by Karthik Navayan

guda anjaiah 1

The context of hearing about Guda Anjanna’s name through his nephew was because our hostel in Dandepally was the centre for PDSU (Progressive Democratic Student Union) politics. The PDSU hostel committee was so strong that the same hostel committee was declared as the Adilabad district committee back then. We were introduced to revolutionary literature and songs. As usual, we used to listen to the very popular song “Vooru Manadira” – this song became so famous that there will be no village in Telangana region without some working people singing it. Here is a translation of the opening lines of the song*:

The village is ours! This wada is ours!
The village is ours! Every job needs us!
The hammer is ours! The knife is ours,
The crowbar is ours! The hoe is ours,
The cart is ours! The bullocks are ours!
Why do we need the Dora! Why do we need his tyranny over us,
why do we need the Dora! Why do we need his tyranny?

This song has now become famous throughout the country and has been translated into several languages. According to Mallepally Laxmaiah, this song was the signature song for the Naxalite movement. When some activists were singing this song, Guda Anjanna’s nephew Guda Rajendar informed me that this song was written by his father’s brother (uncle). Guda Anjanna was working as a pharmacist in the Utnoor government hospital then. I heard from Rajendar later that Guda Anjanna had shifted to Hyderabad on the suggestion of cine director, Narayana Murthy.

In 2000, I also shifted to Hyderabad and joined law. I saw Guda Anjanna in several meetings of people’s organisations, and I had a long meeting with him, in his house in Ramnagar, when I went there to meet Rajendar, who had come to see him. This was in 2004. I strongly remember this meeting and conversations with Anjanna because, he gave a completely different and path breaking outlook on the then existing Telangana movement. It was the time when Telangana mainstream political movement was in peak. Anjanna explained that the mainstream dominant politicians have vested interests in Telangana movement and he explained this very interestingly through a short story.

Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) joined the separate Telangana movement in 2002. Before his joining, the separate Telangana movement was headed and propagated by only left wing intellectuals, and their front organisations. With KCR joining, the separate Telangana movement and the formation of the Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS), a mainstream political party, many feudal dominant caste leaders started joining the Telangana movement and the TRS party. There were lots of debates and criticisms against the joining of feudal leaders in the movement, since there would always be the risk of the movement becoming status quoist for the benefit of the feudal Reddys, Komati, Velama and Brahman and upper Shudra castes in Telangana. Now it is realized that with the formation of a separate Telangana state, it has resulted in the transfer of state power to the Telangana dominant castes, and atrocities on Dalits have also drastically increased since then.

Post-independence, the first generation of feudal landlords became MLAs, MPs and leaders in all political parties, be it Congress, the Communist parties, BJP, or regional parties such as TDP (Telugu Desham Party) and TRS (Telangana Rastra Samithi). Many of the first generation feudal landlords also became IAS, IPS, lawyers, doctors, engineers and other professionals. Except for those who were in politics, the others left villages due to the Naxalite movement and settled in cities such as Hyderabad, or migrated to western countries such as America, Canada, Australia and UK with the advantage of modern education. The second generation also became doctors, engineers and other professionals apart from being in politics. The third generation of feudal castes are not much aware about Telangana villages because most of them were born and brought up in either foreign countries or in metro cities; they are mostly into software and other modern professions. One needs to be aware of the cultural differences between societies in foreign countries and feudal societies such as Telangana.

The first generation of feudal families enjoyed the exploitation of Dalits and marginalised communities in Telangana villages with the practice of Vetti, bonded labour and Jogini. Those were the times when no one from the marginalised communities dared to wear shoes and rumal (the traditional headdress of man) before the feudal landlords. When the feudal landlord entered the village, the people of marginalised communities were required to remove their shoes and their rumal. They were compelled to stand and fold their hands. In western societies, the situation is completely different. In this context, Guda Anjanna explained the attitude of the Telangana feudal dominant castes and their participation in the separate Telangana movement in a short story of three generations of a feudal family of Telangana.

Anjanna spoke to me, “A first generation man (grandfather) from a feudal family from Telangana visited his grandson in America. The grandson took him around in America in an expensive car, and they partook of all the modern facilities there. One fine day, the grandson told his grandfather, ‘you are lucky to have your grandson, me, in America; I have shown you many things here in addition to going around in a big car and living in a big bungalow with all modern facilities, be proud of this’. The boy repeatedly mentioned this.

The old man got fed up with the comments of his grandson, and said ‘I enjoyed more when I was in my village than in America. Have you seen anyone folding their hands in respect for us, or anyone touching your feet here, or standing up on your arrival, or removing their shoes and rumal in respect of you in your presence? No, but it was different in my childhood in our villages. Whenever we entered the village, everyone used to stand up, remove their shoes and rumal, and fold their hands in respect. We used to get whatever we wanted free of cost (referring to Vetti, bonded labour and Jogini system) and that is our background. Now, who cares about us here in America? Who recognises us here? My life was much better in a Telangana village in comparison to your life in America”.

When the grandson expressed his desire to visit a Telangana village, the grandfather replied, “we can visit the village, but those golden years when all the people of the village used to come and work for us free of cost and serve us like our slaves are gone now because of the Naxalite movements. However, the situation has improved after the formation of the Telangana Rastra Samithi; now-a-days when we go back to our villages, people come and pay respect to us”. They both visited their ancestral village, the grandfather in this story is a political leader who was fighting for a separate Telangana. Just as the grandfather had said, all the village people arranged welcome banners; people came to their bungalow and paid respect while standing with folded hands, some of the village lower caste people also touched their feet.

The grandson felt happy to see this, and said, “It is nice that a whole village pays attention to us”. The grandfather replied, “It was much better during my childhood days”. The grandson asked, “Is it possible for those old days to return?”, to which the grandfather replied “why not, if we get a separate Telangana, we will get our old pride and golden days’.

The above story was used by some of the activists to make fun, but that is the truth about Telangana. Feudalism has come back after the formation of a separate Telangana state and Telangana NRIs want to come back to their villages. This story also tells us about the kind of politics that was played in the Telangana region in the name of a separate Telangana movement and which eventually led to the formation of the Telangana state. This story was told by Anjanna in 2004 when the Telangana political movement was at its peak.

Anjanna had foreseen the Telangana politics and imagined the public life. He was a great intellectual and artist apart from writing thousands of songs and stories, I remember one of his stories published in a small magazine that was run by Skybaba few years ago. The story was title “Beeripuri”, and in it he explained the life of a Dalit orphan boy, and how he was branded as a mad man by the village, I read that story a decade ago but I still remember the way he depicted Telangana Dalit life. Many of his works are unpublished, many of his songs published without his name. This note is my sincere tribute to this great man in my personal capacity. I hope his literary friends will write more about his literature that I am not capable to write now. He will be remembered for several generations and his songs will keep inspiring us.

The views expressed in this this article are the author’s own and do not reflect the opinion of any organisation he’s associated with.

*Please find the full translation here, and some other songs here.


Karthik Navayan is a human rights activist.


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